Clash of Civilizations or Clash of Perceptions?

2002 Report (Continued) Background Paper


Conclusion

Over the course of history, relations between the Islamic world and the West have been characterized by a mixture of hostility, indifference, and relative peace. Such relations progressed, not in a linear fashion, but rather in surges as a result of critical encounters over time and space. These encounters--the Muslim conquest of Spain, the Reconquista, the Christian Crusades, and the European colonization of Muslim lands; the independence and creation of modern Muslim states; the American hostage crises during the Iranian revolution and the Gulf War of 1990-91--have extended and modified the parameters of interaction and have been influential in the formation and alteration of mutual perceptions. 102

In the post-Cold War environment, the triumph of the West may seem apparent in terms of the distribution of Western civilization; however, global distribution is not the same as validity. 103 Many of the values Western triumphalists like to claim as their own--such as respect for human and civil rights, the pursuit of social justice, equality of sexes, and the promotion of education--are hardly limited to the West. The Western claim to "modernity," whatever its definition may be, is equally vague and nonexclusive.

The tragic events of September 11, 2001, and developments since then have dramatically changed the world's perspective on the need for religious tolerance. The terrorist acts of that fateful day appeared to halt the progress of an increasingly global culture of diversity and openness that was evidenced by the growing number of countries with democratically elected governments. The Berlin Wall was down, the threat of Communism was gone, and international organizations were confronting wars of ethnic cleansing, however reluctantly they may have become involved. By the autumn of 2001, the world was living under a largely unchallenged superpower that enjoyed its superior strength. However, this scenario was in fact challenged by terrorists who seemed to be short on alternatives and even shorter on judgment, apparently blind to the immediate and long-term consequences of their actions.

As the events of September 11 and its aftermath have indicated, intolerance and violence have assumed various forms. Intolerance intensifies in proportion to one's religious commitment and the particular definition of one's faith. But it is equally true, as we have seen, that historical resentments, social stratification, and ethnic pride, among other factors, can spark intolerance. Poverty and social injustice often generate anger that transcends reason and leads to rationalization of extreme action.

But this contextualization is often missing in contemporary analyses. Indeed, according to world public opinion, Islam is ostensibly inflexible, authoritarian, and articulated by intemperate spokespersons. Centuries after the first contacts with the West, it still appears exotic and dangerous. Almost every non-Muslim seems to have an opinion on Islam, and inside Muslim societies everyone seems to claim the right to speak on its behalf. The issues surrounding Islamic authority and interpretation are critical and very likely to affect the political course that Muslims will take and the ways in which Islam will be understood in the future. A sense of the debates within Islam, the possibility of different perspectives, is what has been missing in many Western accounts. But the sense that these internal debates are valid and a sign of the vitality of the ummah has also been absent in some Muslim circles.

Much of the conversation across and within cultures centers on understandings of "heritage" (turath) and "authenticity" (asalah)--in short, on historical imagination. Distant events like the Crusades and, more positively, Islamic Spain--as we have seen--are richly evocative and resonant. But the more recent stories of European imperialism and Pax Americana, for Muslims, and of course of September 11, for Westerners, have become awkward proof of the inherently hostile intent of the Other. The historical framework each civilization invokes to tell its story is more revealing than either would sometimes care to admit, and the struggle over the future is inescapably cast in terms of the burdens of the past. History is invented and reinvented, and the delicate interplay of memory and desire helps define Muslim politics and the Muslim-Western encounter today.

But what to make of the Muslim political project? Though the search for the Islamic state strikes many as self-defeating, this does not mean that the Muslim political consciousness is bankrupt. As discussed, many Muslims are offering a profound critique of their societies and rulers, accusing them of having deviated from the "straight path" of Islam. Some, as we know, turn to violence and justify the murder of wayward rulers--the supposed Pharaohs of the modern Muslim world--and even civilians, paradoxically, in the cause of righting wrongs. Others, however, are struggling to implant an alternative vision--one in which citizenship, the full participation of women, and acceptance of minorities need not contradict the core message of Islam. Muslim politics often involve contention over the proper interpretation of scripture, and sometimes acquire dogmatic force; this results, in part, from the fragmentation of authority that has given rise to multiple interpreters and has challenged the purported monopoly of the religious class, the 'ulama. Some observers regard this internal turmoil as a harbinger of certain failure, predicting that Islam will founder on its intellectual incoherence and impractical programs. Nonetheless, others see a hopeful inventiveness and a salutary spirit of adaptation.

There is no doubt that the consequences of this internal debate are momentous, relating to the issues that face every society: the accountability of the governors to the governed; the incorruptibility of political leadership, at least as an ideal; and the recognition that attitudes toward women are a testing ground of the civility of a society. The challenges of good governance apply to Muslim and Western societies alike. While neither has found a perfectly successful formula, each civilization has its own notions and experiences that may help to promote workable approaches.

Cross-cultural dialogue is vitally important to all these issues, and will indeed be shaped by them. At the dawn of a new millennium, Christianity and Islam together claim more than half of the world’s 6 billion inhabitants. In Europe, the Middle East, and the United States, Christians, Jews, and Muslims share a common history as well as a common heritage as the three Abrahamic faiths. Despite their sometimes hostile encounters, their common origin as revealed religions and their similar spiritual purposes may provide a platform for unified action. Certainly, powerful voices from each tradition speak of shared values that instill respect for human life, freedom, and dignity.

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© 2006, The Center for Dialogues: Islamic World - U.S. - The West

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